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POLITICAL SITUATION. ' 



RESULTING FROM TIIE 



LATE STATE ELECTION. 



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POLITICAL SITUATION, 



BJESULTING FROM THE 



LATE STATE ELECTION. 







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[HERALD 



INTERVIEW WITH PETER Si/, 



SIVEENV.] 






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PUBLISHED BY 

THE J^CKSOISr AS SO ci^Tio^sr, 









CENTRAL JACKSON ASSOCIATION. 



At a meeting of this Association, held at Tammany 
Hall, Nov. 27th inst., the following resolution was unani- 
mously adopted, viz. : 

Resolved, That we emphatically indorse and approve 
the views expressed by Peter B. Sweeny, as published 
in the Herald of yesterday, and direct that the same 
be printed in pamphlet form, for distribution, under the 
direction of* the officers of the Association. 

JOSEPH H. TOOKER, 

President. 
Henry A. Smith, 

Secretary. 






THE DEMOCRATIC POLICY. 



[Frojn The New York Herald of Nov. 26ih, 1869.) 

PETER B. SWEENY'S HOROSCOPE. 

The Political Situation, State and National — The Presidential 
Policy Analyzed — The "Erie Bill" — Municipal Recon- 
struction and Reform — Police, Excise, and Labor Move- 
ments — A General Sivinging Round the Political Circle. 

As a great deal of speculation and considerable 
doubt exist in the minds of all classes of this city 
and State as to what the Democracy will do with 
their late great accession of political fortune in mat- 
ters of State policy, municipal reconstruction for 
the Empire City, and on the local questions relat- 
ing to the Excise, Police, and Fire departments, and 
other State-appointed boards, the Herald, anx- 
ious to lay before its readers the earliest and most 
reliable information on the subject, yesterday sent 
a reporter to interview the great Peter Bismarck 
Sweeny, the chief of the new Tammany Regency. 
Our reporter made his way to the headquarters of 
the chief, the Chamberlain's office, in the new 
Court House. He states that he found the ante- 
room leading to the sanctum crowded with the 



4 The Political Sihiation. 

political candidates who are contesting the coming 
charter election, and their chief friends and sup- 
porters, and with many others politically interested 
in State matters and in the local political questions 
of the day. The inner room, or sanctum itself, was 
also filled with the higher class of local leaders, all 
intent on imparting information or receiving in- 
struction and advice. A momentary glance of his 
sharp and brilliant eye satisfied the great Peter B, 
that our reporter was not a candidate for ofiice or a 
claimant for place, and he immediately moved to 
his side, and in a low voice peculiar to his manner 
of speaking, but pleasing and musical withal, in- 
quired our reporter's business. Telling him where 
he hailed from and the object of his visit — being 
to " interview " him, and to ask a few questions 
with regard to the policy to be adopted at Al- 
bany in the coming session of the Legislature — 
Mr. Sweeny very blandly inquired why he of all 
the leaders should be appealed to for such infor- 
mation. Why not, he said, have called on Senator 
Tweed, Mayor Hall, or Comptroller Connolly .f* 
Our reporter's modesty forbade him to indulge in 
any very complimentary strain in answer to this 
query ; but he said enough to draw a smile from 
the lips and an extra twinkle from the bright eyes 
of the Tammiany chief, which was almost an assu- 
rance that his request for the interview would be 
granted. Mr. Sweeny, however, did not at once 



The Political Situation. 5 

yield the compliance that his look and smile had 
promised. He said : " But, my dear Mr. Reporter, 
I am averse to giving any views of my own on the 
political situation for publication, though the Her- 
ald would certainl}^ be selected by me as the me- 
dium of publishing such views if they possessed 
any importance, or were of any value to the read- 
ers of the Herald." Here was an opportunity 
that even reportorial modesty could not overlook, 
and with a confident smile our reporter begged to 
assure Mr. Sweeny that no other of the leaders of 
the party could furnish an)- information near so 
valuable as he himself could. With another of his 
blandest smiles and a still brighter twinkle of the 
eye, Mr. Sweeny succumbed to the compliment. 
He said : " Well, then, call again at three p. m., 
and I will endeavor to make time for you to inter- 
view me till you get all the information you seek, 
so far as I can give it to you. But," he continued, 
" you must not connect my name with what you 
publish, but give the matter as the statements of a 
Democrat, and let the information go for what it is 
worth." Our reporter did not specially agree to 
this, but hurried from the presence before a pledge 
was asked from him. 

At the appointed time our reporter returned to 
the sanctum of the chief, and still found him busily 
engaged with the ever coming and moving crowds 
of politicians. He at once cleared himself of the 



6 The Political Siitiation. 

importunate applicants and office-seekers, and^ 
beckoning to our reporter, left the lower office and 
repaired to a private room on the floor above. 
This is Mr. Sweeny's retreat when he holds coun- 
cils with the more trusted and talented leaders of 
the party. The room is handsomely and luxuri- 
antly fitted up with sofas, tempting lounges, and soft 
easy-chairs, whereon a sybarite might repose; also 
a green-baized table, on which were quill pens, ink- 
stands, paper-cutters, pen handles, and all the ma- 
terials of literary work. Lighting a fragrant Ha- 
vana and handing one to the reporter, who laid it 
aside till after the interview was got through with, 
Mr. Sweeny took a seat. We took our notebook 
and the interview commenced, Mr. Sweeny submit- 
ting to our examination and answering all our ques- 
tions in the freest and kindliest manner. The in- 
terview was as follows : — 

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS OF THE POLITICAL SITU- 
ATION. 

Reporter — I desire, Mr. Sweeny, to ascertain for the Her- 
ald what pohcy, if any, has been decided on by the Demo- 
cratic party in the State, especially in reference to the recovered 
municipal powers of this city. 

Sweeny — No policy has been finally decided on 
as yet. There has been only an informal inter- 
change of views among the leading men of the 
State, but the plan of municipal reconstruction has 



The Political Situation. 7 

not yet been marked out. The victory of the last 
election was a substantial conquest — we have cap- 
tured all the strongholds of the enemy, with all 
their materials of war, especially in this city. It 
was quietly accomplished by a " still hunt," and 
the full measure of the success has scarcely been 
realized yet by either side. We may be said to 
have captured everything but. the standards of the 
enemy ; those would be of little use to us. It 
gives us a great opportunity for a long lease of 
power in the State, and to lay a substantial foun- 
dation for the Democratic party of the country. It 
is a great opportunity, but it is at the same time 
a great responsibility. This responsibility we 
must look straight in the face and keep in anxious 
regard. We will be held justly accountable for the 
government in the city and the State, and all our 
acts must be capable of the closest scrutiny and 
investigation. The Republican press have already 
served us with notice of trial. 

COUNCIL FOR CONSULTATION CALLED BY GOVERNOR 
HOFFMAN, TO MEET AT ALBANY, NOVEMBER 30. 
Reporter — How is it proposed to meet this responsibility? 

Sweeny — On this point there is a very clear un- 
derstanding in the party. All our movements are 
to be made deliberately and on the fullest consid- • 
eration. The success which has been achieved and 
the consequences belong to the whole party. 



8 The Political Situation. 

Governor Hoffman, from his position, is the offi- 
cial head of the party. He is a man of broad and 
liberal views, and will be actuated by no narrovv^ 
policy. He represents and belongs to the whole 
State, and will consult no special interest or local- 
ity in regard to his policy. I learn that he has 
already issued invitations to leading men of the 
State to meet at Albany on the 30th inst, for con- 
sultation. 

Reporter — Can you give me an idea as to who are invited 
to this grand pow-wow ? 

Sweeny — Not by authority. But I have learned 
enough to know that they will be such men as ex- 
Governor Seymour, Lieutenant-Governor Beach, 
William Cassidy, of the Argics, Sandford E. 
Church or some representative of him, Samuel J. 
Tilden, Henry C. Murphy, Comptroller Allen, At- 
torney-General Champlain, Secretary of State Nel- 
son, Treasurer Bristol, Engineer Richmond, com- 
posing the State officers ; Grand Sachem Tweed, 
Mayor Hall, and Comptroller Connolly, from our 
city; Warren and others, of Buffalo; Augustus 
Schell and others equally prominent from differ- 
ent parts of the State. I have given names enough 
to indicate the character of the men who will be 
called into the council, and the broad ground which 
will be covered. 

Reporter — Will not such a meeting create jealousies, es- 
pecially among the legislative representatives. 



TJu Political Situation. , 9 

Sweeny — No. To invite all the members of the 
Legislature would make a convention or mass 
meeting, and those gentlemen will be dul}^ con- 
sulted and have their influence recognized when 
they come to Albany. The preliminary meeting 
must necessarily be limited and enlarged from time 
to time. Besides, the Democratic party was never 
in such harmonious accord, free from jealousies 
and disputed claims for leadership, as at the present 
time. 

THE DIVISIONS AND INTRIGUES IN THE STATE TIL- 

DEN's POSITION. 

Reporter — I am surprised to hear you say that. I thought 
the country Democracy were hostile to the growing power of 
Tammany Hall — especially that Tilden was intriguing to pro- 
duce this condition of things. 

Sweeny — That is all humbug. Tammany Hall 
asks nothing from the State. ... It has all the 
patronage and power that it desires in and on Man- 
hattan Island. I think Tilden got an idea last 
summer that war was to be made on him, but there 
was no foundation for it. He don't stand in the 
way of any one down here. He is a safe and 
prudent as well as an experienced counsellor in 
political matters, and, so far as I can see, has no 
selfish object to accomplish in the position of chair- 
man of the State Committee. Tammany Hall 
elected him a delegate to the last State Conven- 
tion, and sustained his re-election to the head of the 



lO The Political Situatioji. 

State Committee. At the last Convention we sent 
a delegation of first-class men — such as Hall, O'Gor- 
man, Law, Cox, Magnus Gross, Schell, Tilden, and 
the like — equal to those from any other section 
of the State. We determined not to control any 
nomination, and divided our votes so that all the 
disputed nominations were made by the votes of 
the country. There was the warmest feeling of 
kindness and friendship on the part of the country 
members towards our delegates. I know this, 
because I was there. Why should it be otherwise? 
The present organization of the Democracy in the 
city of New York has built up the party with such 
power that it has invigorated the whole State. A 
few years ago the city only gave from 15,000 to 
20,000 majority. We now give from 45,000 to 
70,000 majority. This result has required great 
work, opposed as we have been here by the Federal 
patronage, Custom-house, Post-office, and Inter- 
nal Revenue departments; the power and patron- 
age of the Republican Commissioners, Police, Ex- 
cise, Fire, Health, Croton Department, and the 
other Radical devices of partisan management. Our 
vote fell off in November, because of the reaction 
from the Presidential struggle of last year and the 
absence of any exciting issue. Besides, we had to 
vote ten tickets, and this led to so much delay that 
many left the polls without voting, and many others 
could not get the opportunity to vote at all. Our 



The Political Situation. i \ 

percentage of falling off is not much greater than 
that of the State at large. To do what we did in 
bringing out our vote, getting it registered and 
then polled, required constant and very great as 
well as expensive labor. At our great ratification 
meeting we had 50,000 live Democrats in procession. 
This was no small work to accomplish. 

WHO CARRIED THE STATE AT THE LAST ELECTION. 

Reporter — But you know, Mr. Sweeny, the State Committee 
claim to have carried the State. 

Sweeny — I don't know anything of the kind. 
The State Committee did its part of the work very 
well in sending out documents and asking statis- 
tical information, and what may be called the read- 
ing, writing, and ciphering part of the work; but 
they did not send out a dollar to organize the 
State. What was done in providing the sinews of 
war was the work of Tammany Hall alone. I will 
not say how much was done in this direction, be- 
cause that is a private affair; but the candidates in 
doubtful districts know that Tammany Hall did its 
duty fully and with open hand to the State as we.H 
as the city. 

STATE POLICY, APPOINTMENTS, AND MEASURES. 

Reporter — What will be the general features of the policy 
of the State in regard to appointments ? 

Sweeny — In my judgment, the Democracy of the 



t2 The Political Situation. 

State will be thoroughly satisfied with the results. 
There will be no divisions growing out of the dis- 
tribution of patronage. The effort will be to secure 
the best men in the points of qualifications and 
political claims. The appointments of superintend- 
ents of the bank and insurance departments will be 
of great importance, because they affect such vast 
and delicate interests. The Health Ofiice is the 
greatest in the State in emolument and responsi- 
bihty; but of course a first-class physician, not 
politician, is needed there. The harbor masters 
and port wardens will be liberally distributed. We 
have so much patronage of our own that we can 
afford to practise self-denial here and be very liberal 
to the State — that is to say, we will not claim what 
our vote entitles us to. We shall not persecute the 
Governor with our applications. 

EFFECT OF THE ADOPTION OF THE JUDICIARY 
ARTICLE. 

Reporter — Will not the adoption of the Judiciary amend- 
ment increase the difficulties in the State ? 

Sweeny — Not necessarily. It may be the best 
thing that could have happened to the party. One 
great objection to it was the power given to the 
Legislature to locate the judges in General Terms. 
It would have given a Republican Legislature power 
to send a lot of carpet-bagging political Judges to 
any part of the State to exercise the judicial power 



The Political Situation. 1 3 

for political ends, and it is not difficult to see the 
result. Now, however, with a Democratic Legisla- 
ture, this danger is not to be apprehended. Judicial 
officers will be allowed to exercise their functions 
in the districts for which they are elected. For the 
new Court of Appeals it seems probable that Jus- 
tices Grover, Lott, and Earl, the present Demo- 
cratic members of the existing court, will be nomi- 
nated ; and if elected, the Governor will have the 
power to fill their places by appointment on the 
commission court provided for. There will be a 
very general feeling in the vState to nominate Judge 
Allen for the new court. He would have preferred 
to have been nominated for the Court of Appeals 
at the last Convention, but deferred his desires to 
the wishes of the State that he should accept the 
renomination for Comptroller. If he is nominated 
and elected to the Court of Appeals, the Governor 
will fill the vacancy in the Comptrollership. I think 
Samuel J. Tilden will also be nominated if he will 
take it. I don't know whether Judge Comstock 
will be a candidate. He is entitled to most of the 
credit of carrying the judicial amendment. I 
think Judge Leonard of this city will be also pre- 
sented. The danger will be in getting out the vote 
at the election. If we should be defeated, the Court 
of Appeals will be Republican for the next fourteen 
years. The article adopted requires that the elec- 
tion of the new Judges shall be held between April 



14 The Political Si tit a lion. 

and June, It will probably be fixed for the same 
time as the town elections ; and in our city we will 
have some exciting issue to be voted on at the 
same time, probably the election of Excise Com- 
missioners, which will bring out the vote. 

Reporter — How about the State measures at the approach- 
ing session of the Legislature ? 

Sweeny — They will be pretty much as indicated 
in the Governor's message of last year. We have 
now the opportunity of converting Democratic doc- 
trines into practical principles of government — 
against special legislation and jobs of all kinds and 
descriptions, in favor of economy in all branches 
of the government, the improvement of the canals 
and the lowering of the tolls and charges, a uni- 
form election law for all parts of the State, and the 
restoration of municipal rights to the cities. These 
will be prominent ideas. A prompt performance 
of legislative business and an early adjournment 
will also be urged. There are other important 
measures under consideration, which I do not feel 
at liberty to mention. The pressure from all parts 
of the State will be to run the Legislature clear 
and clean from taint or stain. If this is not suc- 
cessful, the veto power will be freely exercised. All 
leo-itimate efforts will be directed to reduce taxa- 
tion, as a conspicuous result of Democratic admin- 
istration. I think one of the first acts will be to re- 
peal the action of last winter approving the fif- 



The Political Situation. 15 

teenth amendment. It is conceded on both sides 
by the leading men that any State can withdraw its 
assent before the measure becomes fixed by the con- 
currence of the required number of the States. 

THE NEGRO QUESTION. 

Reporter — Is it proposed to keep up the negro agitation by 
this course ? 

Sweeny — The fifteenth amendment goes beyond 
the negro. It proposes, as I understand it, to ab- 
sorb the whole subject of suffrage, by which Con- 
gress will be enabled to disfranchise the whites 
while enlarging the area of negro domination. 
The Radicals will give it the broadest construction, 
andean convert Congress into a power as absolute in 
controlling popular suffrage as that of Louis Napo- 
leon in the first days of the last Empire. The negro 
question is assuming an entirely new attitude. At 
the South our Democratic friends are fast coming 
into political alliance with the negro voters. The 
negroes prefer to sustain the men of the soil, with 
whom and their homes and interests they have been 
identified in the past, rather than the broken-down 
carpet-bag adventurers of the North, who want 
their votes for the sake of office. In our State the 
negro question is greatly exaggerated in import- 
ance By the census of 1855 the total number of 
colored males over twenty-one years of age was 
about eleven thousand; by the census of 1865 it 



1 6 The Political Situation. 

was five hundred less, showing a slow but steady 
decrease. The total number of nes^roes now de- 
barred from voting by the property qualification re- 
quirement is only about thirty-five hundred in the 
whole State, of whom 1,200 are to be found in our city. 
The larger part of the negroes now voting in our city 
vote the Democratic ticket, especially in the Eighth 
ward and that vicinity ; and they will be all as ac- 
cessible to us as to the Republicans. Our boys un- 
derstand how to get them. It would not, there- 
fore, have been a great calamity to us if we had 
all voted to remove the property qualification. It 
seems an anomalous state of things to contend that 
the negro is the inferior of the white man, and yet 
in a community in which he must live to refuse 
him equal rights. We ought to get rid of the 
negro agitation. It hurts more than the negro 
vote could injure us. It introduces a moral issue 
— a sentiment of justice — and presents the capti- 
vating cry of universal suffrage, which carries away 
many votes, especially among the Germans, and 
prevents the legitimate political questions of the 
country from having their just weight before the 
people. It seems plain that it will be an unfortu- 
nate day for the negro when he is divested of the 
sympathy and support of the moral and benevolent 
agitators of the country, who make his welfare the 
permanent issue of the day, and is left to take care 
of himself on equal terms with a superior race. 



The Political Situation. 1 7 

INTRIGUES IN REGARD TO THE NEXT PRESIDENTIAL 
NOMINATION. 

Reporter — Before coming down to the municipal question 
I would like to niake one or two inquiries — for instance, about 
the intrigues said to be on foot for the next Democratic nomi- 
nation for the Presidency. 

Sweeny — There is no intrigue that I am aware 
of, and I don't think there will be any from this 
State. When the time comes the man will be in- 
dicated by his services, capacity, and popular claims. 
Intrigue has not been successful in Democratic 
national Conventions. No candidate has been 
nominated by pre-arrangement since the time of 
Martin Van Buren, of the old Regency, except in 
the case of Buchanan; and he would not have suc- 
ceeded if it had not been for the contest between 
the " Hards and Softs " of this State, each side send- 
ing delegates. The result was that New York had 
no voice in the national councils, and each side of 
the contestants made its bargain with the Buchanan 
men for admission to seats. Both sides were ad- 
mitted on equal terms, and the vote of New York 
nominated Buchanan. But for this condition of 
affairs William L. Marcy would no doubt have 
been nominated and elected, and the country saved 
from Buchanan and Rebellion. 

THE POSITION OF JUDGE CHASE TOWAFD THE PARTY. 
Reporter — Does it not appear probable that Chase will be 
nominated in the next Democratic Convention ? 

2 



1 8 The Political Situation. 

Sweeny — Of course no one can say what will 
be the influences controlling then. But let us look 
at probabilities. When the last Convention met 
we had not yet recovered froiu the consequences 
of the attitude of many of our leading men in 
regard to the war. Besides, a false and unneces- 
sary financial issue was sprung on the party. We 
were not strong enough to win with the Democratic 
vote ; but it was possible and practicable to break 
down the Republican party by making an alliance. 
Judge Chase was the man for that time, and we of 
the city of New York were strongly for him. It 
appeared to us as plain as demonstration that it 
was the time for a compromise which would be 
accepted by the whole country, and that Chase was 
the man to compromise on. But when the next 
Convention meets things will be different. Then 
the Republican party will be broken down by 
Grant, and the Democratic party will need and 
demand a representative Democrat, and not a Re- 
publican ally. I should not be surprised to see 
Judge Chase the Republican candidate for the 
Presidency at the next election. 

Reporter — How do you make that out? 

Sweeny — Why, the Republican party will then 
be somewhat in the same necessity that the Democ- 
racy were on the 4th of July, 1868. The Radicals 
will need an alliance with the Conservative branch 
of the party. Chase is not only a statesman in the 



The Political Situation. 19 

best sense of the term, but he is a politician also, 
and knows how to pave the way to success in his 
own party. He knows men and their motives 
well. He will not be injured by the popular strength 
which he exhibited when his name was considered 
on the Democratic side of the house. And he 
was not, in fact, compromised in our Convention. 
He put neither his hand nor seal to anything com- 
mitting him to us. He was represented by many 
who claimed to have authority from him ; but there 
was no written power of attorney, and there is no 
record against him. 

A CARTE DE VISITE OF COLFAX. 
Reporter — How about Colfax's prospects ? 

Sweeny — Well, he would seem to have been 
placed in the line of succession, but I don't think 
he has a strong hold on the country. He is a 
mere politician, and not a statesman. He is a 
genial, bland, and enterprising politician, a good- 
natured, hand-shaking, clever fellow. But, to give 
an illustration, if he were a doctor he would be 
the most popular one in town ; he would smile his 
way into the sick-room and talk his way out, but 
his prescriptions would not amount to anything. 
The ladies would run after him, and the children 
would cry for him, but no physician of knowledge 
and experience would ever think of asking him to 
a consultation on a serious or doubtful case. 



20 The Political Situation. 

THE " POLICY " OF GRANT. 

Reporter — What do you understand to be the poUcy of 
Grant ? 

Sweeny — When Grant is in doubt his trump 
card is " do nothing." This is his pohcy. Thus 
he has allowed the Alabama question to subside 
into temporary oblivion, and thus with all the 
opportunities he has had to make affirmative issues. 
This is natural. The capacity to decide grent 
political questions is not a matter of intuition. 
Grant had neither knowledge, habits of thought, 
nor discipline to grapple with great political ques- 
tions before he entered on the Presidency ; conse- 
quently he is not able to tell, from his own convic- 
tions, what is right or wrong in any political prob- 
lem presented or advice given to him. As soon 
as a question broadens and threatens danger, he 
ties up the papers and puts them out of the way as 
an annoyance to be avoided. He does not want 
to hear anything more about it. He is, withal, a 
proud man rather than an egotist. He brought 
about him mediocre men, because he did not care 
to be measured, and he did not wish to get into 
water so deep that he could not wade ashore. He 
expressed the wish of his soul when he said he 
looked forward as eagerly as a schoolboy for his 
holiday to the end of his term. He wants peace. 
He would like to smoke cigars, drive fast horses, 
and go junketing for the balance of his days. I 



The Political Situation. 21 

think he is entitled to do so for his share in putting- 
down the rebellion. He means to make no mis- 
takes which can be prevented by masterly inactiv- 
ity. He might have had a brilliant administration 
if he had been willing to sink himself to a nominal 
position. The Republican party was built up by 
its political leaders, and they should have been 
allowed to administer the estate which they had 
secured. Suppose he had called such men into 
his Cabinet as Sumner, Stanton, Ben Wade, Gree- 
ley, Sherman, Ben Butler, and Charles A. Dana, 
who were representative men of the success 
achieved. He would have had the most pro- 
nounced administration of later years, and the 
Republican party would have pursued its mission 
to the end. Another trouble with Grant is that he 
entered on the Presidency as owner, instead of 
"trustee, of his party; and he bestows his appoint- 
ments as personal gifts, instead of rewards for party 
services, or swaps them off for pecuniary benefits 
received. 

THE ALABAMA QUESTION. 
Reporter — Then you consider the Alabama question out 
of the way at present, and all the issues likely to be with the 
Democracy. 

Sweeny — It seems to me that if we do well with 
our trial in the State of New York, the future of 
the Democracy is assured. The Alabama question 
will live, and the people will be ripe for it whenever 



2 2 The Political Situation. 

it is vigorously pressed. If Great Britain had, in 
defiance of our protest, openly and boldly fitted 
out the Alabama, and furnished her to the rebels 
to prey on our commerce, a claim to indemnity for 
the consequences would not be disputed by any 
nation of the world. What England failed to do 
boldly she did clandestinely, connivingly, and 
fraudulently, while pretending to be with our gov- 
ernment at the time. England is responsible for 
all the consequences, and sooner or later will be 
compelled to meet them. The Alabama not only 
destroyed the vessels she met, but she drove our 
shipping from the seas, because of the danger 
which was threatened, and Great Britain reaped 
the profit. Before the war our shipping was greater 
than that of England ; now the latter has a mer- 
chant marine five times the tonnage of ours, and 
we have ceased to be a maritime power. This 
question and these consequences cannot be allowed 
to sleep or die out. We will have a revival of the 
old spirit of " fifty-four forty or fight," which grew 
out of the North-western boundary, and which 
elected James K. Polk. There are many other 
questions. 

THE ISSUES OF THE NEXT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 

CUBA AND MEXICO. 

Reporter — Such as what? 

Sweeny — Cuba and Mexico, as well as the Fe- 
nian and Alabama issues with England, will enter 



The Political Situation. 23 

into the next election. There is a prospect of fih- 
busterism entering somewhat largely into the next 
Presidential campaign. Then the tariff. We will 
be as near free-trade as the necessities of the Gov- 
ernment will permit. The negro question will be 
out of the way then. So, too, in regard to the pay- 
ment of the war debt, as we will have resumed spe- 
cie payments, or have that result within our grasp. 
We will have a capital issue on the question of tax- 
ation. The expenses of the government the year 
before the war were about eighty-five millions ; it is 
difficult to know what they are now, but for the hall 
year up to January i, 1869, they were nearly five 
hundred and seventy-six millions, or at the rate of 
over a thousand millions a year, although the appro- 
priations for 1869 were nominally about one hun- 
dred and sixty-two millions. The extravagances, 
defalcations, and imbecility of the Administration 
will give us issues enough. The army appropri- 
ation was about thirty-four millions, and the expen- 
ditures on that account were probably doublethat 
sum. Governor Hoffman's position in regard to 
the equality of native and adopted citizens, and the 
duty of protection to all who have sworn allegiance 
to our Government against the world, will also be 
a prominent Democratic principle. There will be 
questions enough, but I have not time to go into 
them now. 



24 The Political Situation. 

PLAIN, UNVARNISHED TALE OF "THE ERIE BILL " 
UNFOLDED. 

Reporter — While on general subjects, how about the 
" Erie Bill," that the Republican press make so much fuss 
about ? 

Sweeny — There never was a subject so misre- 
presented and misunderstood. The RepubHcan 
press have lied about it with a purpose. The bill 
in question, which is just as much a New York 
Central Railroad as it is an Erie bill, is in precise 
words a copy of the law adopted by the Republi- 
can Legislatures of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, 
and Indiana, and approved by ihe Republican 
Governors of those States. It was passed by the 
Legislature in this State when both branches were 
Republican. The vote, on its passage in the Sen- 
ate, was nearly unanimous. It was laid on the 
table in the Assembly for about a month, for 
objections, but none came. The bill provides that 
a certain number of directors shall go out each 
year instead of the whole board ; but it does not 
interfere with the power of the courts to correct 
abuses, nor does it tie up legislation. It can be 
repealed at any time. It has not been of any prac- 
tical value to either the Erie or Central road. The 
Erie stockholders, at their election in October last, 
unanimously elected an entire board without avail- 
ino; themselves of the advanta2:es of the law. The 
bill was introduced into our Legislature purely as 



The Political Situation. 25 

a defensive measure against the action in the 
Pennsylvania Legislature looking to the control of 
the Erie road in the interest of that State and sub- 
ordinate to the Pennsylvania Central, by which 
the trade of the West would be diverted to Phila- 
delphia from New York. The Pennsylvania Legis- 
lature, having passed a bill precisely like that under 
consideration for the protection of the Pennsyl- 
vania Central, authorized that company to make a 
large foreign loan, which it leaked out was intended 
to buy up the Erie stock for the purpose I have 
indicated. Governor Hoffman held on to the bill 
for objections, but not a single stockholder re- 
monstrated against it. Those who did confer with 
him urged him to sign the bill, as being calculated 
to settle the wrangling and issuing of stock to con- 
trol the road, and likely to work to the advantage 
of the stockholders. At all events it was an ex- 
periment, and if it did not work well it could be 
repealed at any time. Since its passage the stock 
has been registered, and its capital is on a per- 
manent basis. If the Governor had not signed the 
bill, and the result had been that the Pennsylvania 
Central obtained control of the Erie road, he would 
have been condemned on all hands for the undue 
and improper exercise of the veto power. This is 
the plain unvarnished tale of " the Erie bill." Why 
don't the Republican press pitch into Governor 
Geary, of Pennsylvania, and the Republican Gover- 



26 The Political Situatioii. 

nors of the States I have named, for having signed 
the same bill, word for word ? The bill has thus 
far been of no advantage to either the Central or 
Erie road, and does no harm that I can see, be- 
cause the vote for the new Erie Board of Direc- 
tors was unanimous, as I have stated. It had one 
advantage — it arrested the schemes of the Pennsyl- 
vania Central road to obtain the control of the Erie 
and divert trade to Pennsylvania. 

MUNICIPAL RECONSTRUCTION. 

Reporter — To return to the more immediate question, from 
which I have wandered so far, what do you think will be the 
scheme for the reorganization of the municipal government of 
New York ? 

Sweeny — The measures have not yet been ma- 
tured. The engrossing duties of the late and ap- 
proaching election have absorbed the time of those 
who will be instrumental in preparing the plan. So 
far as Tammany Hall is concerned, she means to 
proceed deliberately and with moderation. The 
Democratic party is pledged to restore local self- 
government. This is a pledge which must be re- 
deemed. The commissions were inventions to rob 
the people of their rights for partisan ends, and they 
will, of course, be wiped out if the party is true to 
itself. 

Reporter — How will that be done ? 

Sweeny — It is very simple in principle. Let 
New York and Brooklyn have their own police 



The Political Situation. 27 

government through their own representatives, and 
responsible for their own expenditures ; let our Fire 
Department (Brooklyn has its own) be placed un- 
der a board composed in like manner, or under the 
direction of the Police Department ; have locally 
appointed officers for the Health and Excise boards 
and the Croton Aqueduct Department, and the 
work is done. 

Reporter — How is it proposed to officer the departments, 
by election or appointment ; and if by the latter, by what au- 
thority ? 

Sweeny — We can never have a consolidated 
government unless we have a responsible head. 
Our city has been as much divided in this respect 
as the States of New York, New Jersey, and Con- 
necticut by their separate sovereignties. We are 
willing to accept the trust of government, and to 
be held as a party responsible for its administra- 
tion. The Mayor should have the power to ap- 
point and remove all heads of departments except 
the finance and law — the Comptroller and Counsel 
to the Corporation — who, for obvious reasons, 
should continue to be elective. This power should 
be subject to the approval of some representative 
body. We had a trial under the charter of 1847 of 
electing all the important officers of the city gov- 
ernment. Then we elected a street commissioner, 
a commissioner of repairs and supplies, a commis- 
sioner of lamps and gas, and all other departments 



2 8 The Political Situation. 

and bureaus ; the result was that we had a collec- 
tion of petty sovereignties, each independent of the 
other, and all spending money without any account- 
ability anywhere. These officers were all nomina- 
ted in convention by combinations of politicians, 
and the best men were not successful. We were 
soon glad to have this scheme repealed. Then we 
had the ten governors of the Almshouse ; all will 
remember their career, and realize the salutary 
change to appointments by local authority through 
which the Board of Charities and Correction was 
secured. When the authority is devolved upon the 
Mayor of appointing prominent officials, the eyes 
of the whole community are on him, and he 
must, from regard to his own character and that of 
his office, make the best appointments practicable. 
So, too, when complaints are made which he has the 
power to redress, he will be compelled to apply the 
remedy or take the consequences in public con- 
demnation. We have had two striking illustrations 
of the healthful results of appointments by local 
authority during the past year. First, in the Com- 
missioners of the Board of Education. They are 
all first-class men, and have discharged their duties 
with ability and conscientious fidelity. At the rate 
that the old Commissioners were progressing, the 
expenses of common-school education in this city 
would have been nearly $4,000,000 for the ensuing 
year. They were over $3,000,000 last year. The 



The Political Silualion. 29 

new Commissioners find that they can get along 
with a Httle over $2,000,000. So, too, with the new 
Tax Commissioners appointed by local authority 
They are accomplishing great reforms in correcting 
old abuses and long-continued favoritisms, which 
will soon be made manifest to the public. 

THE ARGUMENT AND EXAMPLE IN BROOKLYN. 

Reporter — But in Brooklyn they appear to be against com- 
missions and appointed boards ? 

Sweeny — I don't think there would have been 
any objection to the Water Board of Brooklyn if 
they had managed their affairs so as to give satis- 
faction to the people of that city. They have not 
been fortunate in this respect. The Democratic 
objection to commissions has been to those ap- 
pointed at Albany, imposed, as it were, by foreign 
authority, and not responsible to the constituency 
to be affected. There is no objection, in principle, 
to a commission appointed by locally elected repre- 
sentatives, and subject to removal by the same 
authority for maladministration. 

the danger of breaking down in new YORK. 

Reporter— Don't you think there is great danger of all this 
power breaking down the Democratic party in this city ? 

Sweeny — Of course there is every danger, if the 
responsibility is not appreciated, and the power 
wisely exercised. In a mere party point of view, 



30 The Political Situation. 

we have made more by the poHce and excise 
powers continuing in the hands of the Republicans, 
and administered with the hot-headed zeal, fanati- 
cism, and despotic tyranny of John A. Kennedy, 
than if we had the power and responsibility in our 
hands. But we are bound to accept the situation 
and do our best. The Police Department, execu- 
tively directed by such a man as John Jourdan or 
Judge Dowling as Superintendent, will be a hun- 
dred-fold more effective in preventing and detect- 
ing crime than under John A. Kennedy's rule. 
Kennedy is a very clever fellow, personally and 
socially ; but in executing power he is the veriest 
tyrant that ever lived. He knows this, and rather 
glories in the fact. Besides, the police will be 
made more efficient than ever ; and the petty sys- 
tem of prying through shutters and crawling 
through chimney-flues to detect the smell of liquor 
will cease to be the chief business of the police 
force. 

AN ANALYSIS OF THE COST OF GOVERNMENT — WHO 
IS RESPONSIBLE ? 

Reporter — How do you expect to make manifest the ad- 
vantages of the proposed change ? 

Sweeny — Acts are the best interpreters of inten- 
tions. We intend to show by practical results the 
advantages to the people. For instance, we mean 
to present our tax levy early in the session, invite 
the closest scrutiny, and submit to the lowest fig- 



The Political Situation. 31 

ures. We will take the expenses of last year, under 
the rule of Republican Commissioners, and compare 
them with those of this year, under Democratic 
government and local sovereignty. Here are the 
expenses of the city and county government on 
the back of this tax-bill, which you might as well 
copy, as it contains the information in a condensed 
form. 

EXPENSES OF CITY AND COUNTY GOVERNMENT FOR 1869. 

For State purposes $2,672,820 18 

For county purposes, viz. : — 
For the support of the Metro- 

pohtan Pohce $2, 72 7,365 07 

Board of Health 110,186 15 

City College 125,000 00 

For interest on county debt.. 1,375,981 00 
Various public institutions. . . 283,688 75 

For general purposes 3,171,386 66 

87,793,607 di 

Less amount of county reve- 
nues, not otherwise appro- 
priated 80,000 00 

. $7,713,607 dz 

For city purposes, viz. : — 

For Board of Education $3,150,000 00 

For free schools, otherwise .. 219,398 00 

For Commissioners of Cen- 
tral Pai'k 285,000 00 

For Public Charities and Cor- 
rection 1,213,000 00 

For Fire Department 907,940 00 

For interest on city debt. .. . 1,429,945 86 

For redemption of debt 202,420 69 

For general purposes 5,815,403 38 

$13,223,108 53 



32 The Political Situation. 

Less amount of revenues of 
the Corporation not other- 
wise appropriated by law. . $2,300,000 00 

$10,923,108 53 

To supply deficiencies 603,377 79 



Total to be raised by tax $12,912,914 13 

If any one will trouble himself to make the ad- 
dition, he will find of this total that the expenses 
over which the city and county governments have 
no control, amount to about fourteen millions — in- 
cluding the State tax, Police, Health, Fire, Educa- 
tion, Charities and Correction, interest on debt. 
Central Park, &c. The interest on the county 
debt, it will be seen, is over ^1,300,000. The 
larger part of this debt was incurred in consequence 
of the war, for bounties, supporting families of sol- 
diers, &c. The items included in the tax for police 
and the several commissions are not embraced in 
the tax law passed by the Legislature, but the com- 
missions have virtually had authority under general 
laws to include what they think proper. All these 
figures we expect to reduce, including the items 
for general purposes of the city and county. 

THE EXCISE QUESTION WHAT WILL BE DONE WITH 

IT.? 

Reporter — Have not you got a very dangerous power in 
the Excise question ? Will not the grog shops force unlicensed 
free rum as a city institution ? 

Sweeny — No; I think not. Look at the sub- 



The Political Situation. 33 

ject practically. The Democratic party and the 
city of New York have only temporary power over 
the question. If the power is abused and the 
moral sense of the State is aroused at what they 
consider paramount evils, the rural districts will 
make the issue, and elect a Legislature which will 
impose greater restrictions than ever. There are 
7,000 liquor dealers in the city of New York. 
This is a great power ; but at the same time it is a 
great interest to risk. I think the liquor dealers, 
as a matter of protection against future legislative 
aggression, and for self-preservation, will be in favor 
of consei'v'ative and moderate measures. The 
greatest objection to the present Excise law has 
arisen from the despotic and mean manner of its 
execution. The moral sense of all communities is 
against the open sale of liquor during the hours 
of worship on the Sabbath, and in favor of a rea- 
sonable period at night to close the traffic ; and I 
think the liquor dealers will see that it is to their 
interests to pay reasonable license fees, by which 
irresponsible parties will be kept out of the trade. 
The right of the liquor dealer is subject to all other 
rights, but equal to every other. The Republicans 
are cornered on this Excise question ; the Demo- 
cratic party means to hold its position, but at the 
same time be true to all the interests of govern- 
ment 



34 The Political Situation. 

THE LABOR MOVEMENT. 

Reporter — You had in the last election a new element — 
that of the "labor unions." Don't you think that this labor 
movement is the rock ahead for both political parties ? 

Sweeny — I think not, for what seem to me to be 
obvious reasons. The Democratic party is sound 
on ah the questions affecting the laboring interests. 
The Eight Hour law is accepted now by both po- 
litical parties. Eight hours to work, eight hours to 
rest, and eight hours for social, moral, and intellect- 
ual improvement and enjoyment have become an 
established maxim. In regard to the conspiracy 
law, one of the first acts of the approaching Legis- 
lature will be to repeal this odious and absurd law. 
This will be so much credit to Democratic account. 
The Republicans refused to repeal it ; the Demo- 
crats will make it one of their first acts. It is ab- 
surd that while the men who w^ork cannot combine 
for mutual protection, the men who do not work 
can and do combine for every purpose under hea- 
ven. The gold and stock brokers, those lilies of 
the golden valley, have their boards ; the insurance 
men have their association of underwriters; the 
banks have their clearing-house; the grain dealers 
their exchange; the railroad men their conven- 
tions. All these are associations for mutual pro- 
tection. In fact, capital is organized in every field 
of speculation and enterprise, and yet when labor 
combines for its protection against the combina- 



The Political Sitttation. 35 

tions of capital it is a conspiracy and the members 
are liable to be indicted. This absurdity will be 
speedily eradicated. Capital must make up its mind 
that it has to treat in future with associated labor 
and communities of interest. It is no longer com- 
bined capital against the individual. Submission 
to strikes will, after a while, be a necessity, and the 
excesses, if any, in the claims made for the time be- 
ing must be left to the after good sense and so- 
ber second thouQ;ht of the unions. Lono-.resisted 
strikes lead to great evils, and are as injurious to 
capital as they are demoralizing to the men. Capi- 
tal and labor are mutually dependent on each other, 
and when their relations are more firmly established 
under the new order of things they will harmonize 
more thoroughly. The capitalists, the aristocracy 
of wealth, and the bondholders who enjoy immu- 
nity from taxation are in the Republican party. 
Equal taxation of all capital and property is alike 
the principle of the Democratic party and of the 
laboring interests. The Democratic party are the 
natural allies and helpmates of the laborers of the 
country. If any one thinks that the labor union- 
ists are not reflecting men, and do not understand 
themselves and their rights and duties, let him go 
to a union meeting where a question is to be dis- 
cussed, and listen to the straightforward talk and 
hard-headed sense of the debaters. Of course 
there is danger of the labor movement being 



36 The Political Situation. 

wrecked by being converted into a political ma- 
chine. There are demagogues among them, as 
there are among all other associations of men, and 
there are selfish leaders, who would like to ride 
into power on the strength of the labor movement. 
There was an illustration, and a very ridiculous one, 
in the candidacy of Nelson W. Young for Coroner 
at the late election. Holding inquests on dead 
men's bodies had as much to do with the labor in- 
terests as keeping a pound for stray animals. I 
don't think we are likely to see a repetition of such 
an absurd spectacle. 

THE POWER OF THE " MACHINE." 

Reporter — What is the secret of the immense strength of 
Tammany Hall, and the certainty with which it brings its forces 
into action? 

Sweeny — It is chiefly from the completeness of 
its organization and the thoroughness of its disci- 
pline. General McCook, of Ohio, remarked at the 
last time I saw him, that, next to the Roman army 
under Caesar, the organization of Tammany Hall 
was the most thoroughly disciplined body that the 
world has seen. We have good discipline. Our 
plan is very simple. Each ward of the city is re- 
presented in general committee by delegates elected 
each year for the ward at large, according to its 
vote. This is the central or county organization, 
and consists of between 300 and 400 representatives. 



The Political Situation. 37 

This body is charged with the general party manage- 
ment during the year, such as calHngpubHcmeetings, 
nominating conventions and primary elections. 
This general committee is composed of experienced 
politicians — generally the same men from year to 
year — the changes being chiefly in the wards which 
do not hold their own, where the defeated dele- 
gates give way to their successful competitors. 
Then we have a ward organization for each ward, 
consisting of delegates from each election district, 
who are in permanent session in the wards. These 
district representatives may be considered the cap- 
tains, who marshal and lead into action the rank 
and file of the Democratic host in this city. These 
local leaders have great experience, and know all 
the voters in their districts, and how to get them 
out Then, again, we are harmonious in Tammany 
Hall. Our nominations are made after the fullest 
consultation with the leaders throughout the city, 
and the organization moves with the precision of 
a well-regulated machine. Great vigilance is exer- 
cised to keep up its discipline. The outside or- 
ganizations don't amount to anything — they are 
ephemeral, self-constituted, and generally spring up 
over night in the interest of a few broken-down 
politicians, rejected by Tammany Hall, and exist 
for the purpose of " striking " the candidates. Be- 
sides, Tammany Hall is the organization of the 
party in regular succession, and has the patronage 



38 The Political Situation. 

and prestige on its side, and has acquired a national 
fame for its vigorous fidelity to the Union during 
the entire period of the war. 

Reporter — I have taxed your patience considerably. I 
have but one other question to ask, and I shall have finished, 
and that is — Do you not find the position of political leader in 
this city a very troublesome and thankless oftice ? 

Sweeny — I am glad you have asked me that 
question, because it gives me the opportunity to 
set myself right on the subject, I am not, and 
never claimed to be, a leader. If there is any one 
entitled to that designation among the Democracy 
of our city, it is Senator Tweed. He is Chairman 
of the General Committee, and Grand Sachem of 
the Tammany Society. He has remarkable execu- 
tive ability, and is a recognized leader. Mayor 
Hall, Comptroller Connolly, and others I might 
name, are more leaders than I am. I am a sort 
of adviser. I try to harmonize the interests of the 
party, and endeavor to secure good nominations and 
sound principles, as I understand them. But I do 
not aspire to the position of a leader. I am simply 
a passenger in the ship, with the privilege of going 
ashore if I do not like its management or its course. 



•^C)" 



At this point our reporter thought he had notes 
enough to transcribe, and sufficient information 
collated, and, intimating as much to Mr. Sweeny, 
who seemed exhaustless on the subject of politics, 



The Political Siiuatiojt. 39 

measures, and men, begged to conclude the inter- 
view. A few moments more and the work of 
transcribing was commenced, and the result of our 
reporter's interview with Peter Bismarck Sweeny 
is now before the readers of the Herald. 



PROPOSED "LEGISLATION" TO "ENFORCE" THE XVxn 
AMENDMENT. 

" The Gentleman from Massachusetts ofEered the following Bill: 
"An Act to Enforce the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution." 

Be it enacted by the Senate and HouwofltepresentaUbes of the. United 
States of America, in Congress assembled : 
Sec. 1. It shall be the diity of the Secretary of the Interior to appoint, 
or cause to be appointed, three Commissioners for each election district 
of the several Congressional districts of the United States, to enforce 
the provisions of the fifteenth amendment to tha Constitution. The 
said Commissioners for such puiiDOse shall have the sole right to decide 
on the qualilications of all voters who shall ofEer to vote for Members of 
Congress or Electors for President and Vice-President, and the exclusive 
authority to receive the ballots cast at any such election. 

- Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of such Commissioners to certify the re- 
sult of the election in their districts respectively, duly sealed to the 
said Secretary of the Interior. 

Sec. 3. The Secretary of the Interior shall certify under his hand and 
seal the names of the persons who appear to him by the aforesaid re- 
turns to be elected Members of Congress or Electors for President and 
Vice-President, and the persons who shall receive such certificate of 
election shall hold the office or exercise the authority therein designa- 
ted, subject to the sixth section of this act. 

Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the L^nited States Marshals in their 
respective districts to su.stain the Commissioners of Election herein 
provided for in the performance of their duties, and shall detail a suffi- 
cient force of deputies to secure order at the elections herein provided 
for ; and in the event of the force of any such Marshal proving made- 
quate, the Mar.shal shall have the right to call on the nearest command- 
ing officer of troops of the United States to aid such Marshal to pre- 
serve order. 

Sec. 5. It shall be the duty of the Secretary of War to so station the 
troops of the United States immediately preceding any Election herein 
provided for, at convenient poiiits adjacent to the principal polling- 
places of the several Congressional Districts, and in the principal cities a 
commanding force of such troops shall be encamjied in the parks or 
other suitable places of such cities, at and preceding any election as 
aforesaid. 

Sec. 5. All questions in regard to the regularity' and fairness of the 
election of Members of Congress shall be referred by the Commissioner 
of the Interior to the House of ReiDresentatives, who shall have e.xclusive 
jurisdiction thereof; and in like manner all questions relating to the 
election of Electors for President and Vice-President shall be referred to 
the President, who shall appoint a Commission of not less than three 
suitable persons, to examine and decide all such questions, and whose 
decision shall be final and conclusive. 

Sec. 6. This Act shall go into effect when Congress shall, by resolu- 
tion, duly declare that three-fourths of the States have ratified the 
proposed fifteenth amendment, and have decreed that the Constitution is 
amended accordingly. 



The Political Situation. 41 

THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 

In reply to an editorial of the Herald, taking 
exception to Mr. Sweeny's remarks on the suffrage 
amendment, the following letter appeared in the 
Herald of Nov. 28th : 

To the Editor of the Herald: 

In the Herald of to-day issue is taken with me 
on my remark that the fifteenth amendment " goes 
beyond the negro," and gives to Congress the 
power to absorb the whole subject of suffrage. 
Now let us see how far wrong I am in the design 
of the proposed amendment. It is as follows : 

Article X-V. — The right of the citizens of the 
United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by 
the United States, or by any State, on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Congress shall have the power to enforce this article 
by appropriate legislation. 

After prohibiting the denial of the right to vote 
on account of color, race, or previous condition of 
servitude, the authority is conferred on Congress 
to enforce the article by " appropriate legislation." 
Suppose Congress should deem it " appropriate " 
to do this by appointing direcUy, or through its 
agents, inspectors for every election poll in the 
United States, to decide on the qualification of 
electors, and to receive and count the votes cast. 



42 The Political Situation. 

Would not this be absorbino- in Cono'ress the sub- 
ject of suffrage ? If Congress may so appoint the 
judges of elections, may it not appoint them all of 
the deepest-dyed Radical stripe, and import them 
from one State to conduct the elections in another 
State? What tribunal is to decide the meanino: 
and limit of appropriate legislation? Why, Con- 
gress itself, in the first instance at least. And if 
the power should be resisted in any State, we 
would see a repetition of the scenes of 1864, when 
our Democratic strongholds, especially the city of 
New York, were filled with armed soldiery and 
parks of artillery, to overawe the people, under the 
command of such conservative warriors as Major- 
General Benjamin F. Butler, 

Such constitutional amendments do not mcai; 
reconstruction — they mean revolution. 

It may be said that the assumption by Congress 
under this amendment to enforce its operation by 
exercising supervisory control over the elections 
would be a stretch of authority. Wlien did a 
Radical Congress hesitate to stretch or strain 
authority or override restrictions for the accom- 
plishment of a political object or to aggrandize 
power ? 

It would have been a very different matter if Con- 
gress had simply defined the rights of citizens with- 
out regard to color, race, or previous condition, and 
stopped there. Then the right of the colored man 



The Political Situatimi. 43 

would have stood in the same category with that 
of the white man, and could have been exercised 
and enforced in like manner, leaving the regulation 
and control of elections where they were placed 
by the framers of the Constitution — in the several 
States — for their protection and preservation against 
destructive centralization. 

Many measures of Congressional usurpation have 
been tolerated by the people as " war measures " 
during periods of imminent peril — such as the as- 
sumption of the power to issue paper currency 
when the authority is expressly limited to making 
coin, the taking away from the States the control of 
the militia under the name of volunteers, and the 
suspension of the habeas corpus in peaceful dis- 
tricts. These instances were direct though re- 
mediable invasions of the Constitution. But this 
amendment strikes at the vital existence of the 
States, and is a subversion of the essential prin- 
ciples upon which our government was founded. I 
would be glad to believe that you are right in your 
view of the scope of the amendment, but the lan- 
guage employed is meant for all its value, and is of 
too broad import : I knov/ that Republican politi- 
cians claim for it all that I allege, and do not hesitate 
to boast of the measures which will be adopted under 
its authorit}^ to hold the control of the general ad- 
ministration in spite of any Democratic majority. 

Peter B. Sweeny. 
New York, Nov. 27th, 1869. 



LB S 12 



f-^-^ 



